Je vous souhaite la bienvenue sur SAOTI, le site de l'Afrique digne et libre. Dans cet espace, je publie des articles relatifs à l'indépendance et à la Renaissance africaine, écrits par des journalistes talentueux, que j'ai la chance de compter parmi mes amis. Vous pourrez apprécier les plumes de Melvin Akam, Nathalie Yamb, Ambroise Ebonda, Sylvestre Konin... et aussi quelques uns de mes papiers. Bonne lecture et n'hésitez pas à laisser vos commentaires! Mahalia Nteby
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Côte d'Ivoire: Une coopération sans contraintes, sans menaces, sans exigences ni humiliations
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Jacob Zuma, the new leader of South Africa’s ruling African National Congress, has claimed supremacy over his bitter rival, Thabo Mbeki, the country’s president, whom he ousted as party president
last year, saying unequivocally that power resides in the ANC and not the presidency.
Speaking to the Financial Times, he all but dismissed Mr Mbeki and his cabinet ministers as lame ducks as he sought to stamp his authority on the country and address the bitter power struggle
that has left business people worried the country is leaderless.
“Power lies in the ANC,” he said. “It’s the ANC that wins elections, the ANC that has the power to identify people who must be part of government ... If he [the president] is not
part of the ANC leadership, he doesn’t have authority.”
In an interview in the party headquarters, Mr Zuma, who relied on the support of the unions and the left to take over the party, repeated his mantra that the advent of a new party leader did not
mean that ANC economic policies would change.
But in a reflection of his balancing act between wooing business and satisfying his power base in the unions, he refused to rule out a debate on a left-ward shift of economic policy.
Asked if he would consider supporting calls by the Communist party for a return to nationalisation, he said that, if asked to give a view on such a shift, he would not make a definitive
statement, but rather would open a discussion. “I think let the issues be put on the table so that we discuss what are the merits of that argument,” he said.
Such equivocation is increasingly exasperating business people as they seek to understand the implications of his takeover of the party in last December’s five-yearly ANC conference. In the past
two months South Africa’s business confidence has suffered a series of blows, primarily caused by an electricity crisis that has led to rolling power cuts but also compounded by uncertainty about
the direction of the ruling ANC.
Given the ANC’s electoral dominance, as party leader Mr Zuma is on paper the out-and-out favourite to be the country’s next president after next year’s elections. But first he has to overcome a
trial in August on charges of corruption, fraud, racketeering and tax evasion.
He reiterated his longstanding charge that the prosecutors have pursued a politicised agenda in their seven-year investigation, and dismissed the idea of not competing in the elections while he
sought to clear his name. “It is a very funny case, very funny,” he said.
Mr Zuma was concerned about the rand’s 15 per cent fall in value since the start of the year. He said he would like it to strengthen but attributed its decline to global economic jitters as well
as domestic uncertainties.
His strongest language was reserved for the fight against the country’s dire rate of violent crime, which has claimed two more high-profile victims this week and led to calls from a prominent
black actor for a “million man” march to the government buildings.
He called for more “biting laws” and less focus on the rights of criminals, who he said were too easily released from prison. “We must strengthen the law so people mustn’t think that
even if I commit a crime in any case it’s fine.” He also said he would not oppose a referendum on the death penalty that was abolished soon after the end of white rule, if there was a
“sufficient majority” calling for one. But he added he was against the death penalty.
Par Alec Russel in The Financial Times, le 6 mars 2008
Do not leave Africa in scramble

To many minds, Africa is a picture of hopeless misery: afflicted by poverty, scarred by
corruption and ravaged by Aids and war. These facts are true, but they tell only half the story. In many sub-Saharan African countries output briskly outpaced population growth during the last
decade, leading to sustained growth in income per capita and promising a lasting escape from poverty.
Behind the success lies many African leaders’ willingness to adopt solid macroeconomic
policies and move towards more transparency and less red tape. Economic integration with the world deepened and trading relations diversified. Record-breaking prices boosted commodity exporters’
incomes. The private sector’s success, for example in telecommunications, showed that Africa does not lack good business opportunities. Before the crisis, countries such as Ghana were on course
to escaping aid dependence by entering global capital markets.
But Africa is now slipping. Foreign direct investment has shrivelled. Capital markets have
seized up as funds flee to the safety of rich-country sovereign bonds – with which the market is flooded. The price of trade credit has soared, sharply halting trade flows, with commodity
exporters suffering additionally from the drop in prices.
As tax revenues fall and demands on public services rise, governments without large savings
are in a squeeze. African leaders warn of a popular backlash: if the public suffers undeserved pain after governments followed what rich countries told them to do in the 1990s, economic growth
and democratic stability are at risk. Already coups and riots are on the rise.
The world’s leading countries must act to end the global crisis as soon as possible. In the
meantime, Africa should not be a casualty of other priorities. African governments that have shown a commitment to sound policies must be helped to fill temporary funding gaps. And rich countries
should quickly prop up trade finance: it would do much good and cost little.
Development aid can do ill as well as good; the long-term goal must be to get rid of it. But that is no argument against
short-term crisis assistance, which has been provided – quickly – to small and relatively rich European countries; many African countries need the same. Moreover, rich countries made aid promises
at the Gleneagles summit that they have yet to fulfil.
The potential cost of the crisis in Africa is not just unemployment; it is starvation, civil
war and the closing of an escape route from poverty. That is a price the world cannot afford to pay.
Editorial
Financial Times
Le 16/03/2009